Subject Area: American Presidency
This study examines the relation between political action and political oratory, with special attention to how these were experienced in the African American community. It focuses on three special cases; Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon.
This work explores how presidential inaugural speeches reflect the
overarching mindset of the government, and how, in the postmodern era, this mindset manifests the same sort of African American erasure that has existed since Middle Passage. In addition, this book explores the rhetorical engagement black leaders use to respond to Passage and to explore the rhetorical engagement black leaders use to respond to, prevent, or to circumvent
This book examines presidential inaugural speeches, during the Civil Rights and Black Power era, from the Kennedy administration to President Lyndon Baines Johnson, to prove that, most times, this type of speech is little more than epideictic formality in regard to black interests, and, perhaps, the initial step in an administration’s disregard for the concerns of African
Americans—or the first indication that an administration is ensnared in a dilemma of catering solely to white American interests. Correspondingly,
the book explores the theory that African American leaders’ speeches attempt to
respond to Presidential inaugural addresses.2007 0-7734-5304-0
This study offers an original account and analysis of the political fortunes of the Harding Administration at its mid-point, and of the public verdict upon the perceived record of the so-called “Do Nothing” Sixty-seventh Congress. This work reveals much about the political culture of the early 1920s, and the extent to which it reflected the many economic, social and cultural changes of the decade. It fills a surprising gap in the political history of the 1920s and paves the way for a proper understanding of the 1924 presidential election in which so many of the issues and personalities resurfaced.2008 0-7734-4838-1
A reassessment of the political style and acumen of Calvin Coolidge during the 1924 presidential campaign, this study analyzes the presidential election campaign following the national conventions and discusses organisational and financial difficulties, and the popularity and impact of opinion polls and of radio.2009 0-7734-4707-5
This work examines the relationships between U.S. strategic security, trade interests, and democratic enlargement in Africa. The author demonstrates that idiosyncratic presidential actions shaped the outcomes of the policy to export democratic ideals to Africa.2007 0-7734-5413-6
This book is an edited compilation of first-person accounts consisting of valuable primary source material, presenting historians and students of the Gilded Age with a wealth of information with which to dissect the times and better understand the individuals who occupied the vice presidency from 1869 to 1901. The book presents a chronologically arranged assortment of letters, speeches, statements, essays, and inaugural and farewell addresses to the Senate of Vice Presidents Colfax, Wilson, Wheeler, Arthur, Hendricks, Morton, Stevenson, Hobart, and Roosevelt. Readers will find a judicious array of important information useful in various ways. Professors and teachers of history, political science, social science, and classes on the presidency may want to place the book on lists of supplementary reading or for purposes of selecting topics for written or oral assignments. This book contains 17 black and white photographs.2012 0-7734-2537-3
A first time legal analysis of three Presidential impeachments: Andrew Johnson, Richard Nixon, and William Clinton. Leibowitz makes the case that the impeachment process is divisive to the cohesion of the United States. Leibowitz provides an historical analysis of the processes used by Congress during all three impeachments and presents a biographical sketch for each individual president in order to illustrate how they reached the presidency and how the attainment of that goal influenced their relationship with the public and Congress during the impeachment process. Leibowitz concludes by arguing that congressional censure may be a better option than impeachment.2003 0-7734-6720-3
To study the career of Richard Nixon is to study the last half of the 20th century, for both good and ill. This book is a collection of articles, interviews and excerpts from journalists, historians, and associates of Nixon’s, of views from both people who admired him and those who feverishly despised him. The viewpoints of such a diverse ideology gives a fully-rounded account of this still-controversial figure. It takes him beyond the limits of Watergate to portray the entirety of his career. If journalism is indeed the first draft of history, this volume is a good place to learn how Nixon’s legacy has evolved.1993 0-7734-9367-0
The first specialized case study of the Carter administration's response to the tragic developments in Cambodia. Examines the complex interplay of factors that shaped American policy, including the inability to impose economic and diplomatic sanctions on the regime in Phnom Penh, a distaste felt by the American people for immersion into another Indochina "quagmire", and the administration's desire to move forward in its quest for normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China, which was the chief patron of the Khmer Rouge.2005 0-7734-5976-6
This research expands the data base in comparative cross-national political communication. It thereby establishes the basis for generalizations about, and comparisons of, the campaign styles of Blair and Clinton. Throughout, the larger question is to what extent Great Britain has imported American communication methods.1991 0-7734-9742-0
A number of distinguished political scientists, historians, and present and former Congressmen address the issue of governmental gridlock from structural and psychological perspectives. Because the issue may be traced to the South's ticket-splitting in the 1950's, it's appropriate to assess this phenomenon of American politics from both national and southern perspectives.2006 0-7734-5835-2
This work is a study of presidential employments of covert action as a foreign policy tool during six presidential administrations from Kennedy through Reagan. It offers the reader brief accounts of covert operations undertaken by the American intelligence community during the critical period from 1961 to 1989. The accounts examine and illustrate the evolving nature of the relationship between the American presidency and the burgeoning intelligence community during the middle to late Cold War era. Much of the analysis focuses on the recurring tension between presidential efforts to subordinate and control the intelligence community and the centrifugal forces of bureaucratic politics which led the key agencies of the community to seek larger roles and more important positions within the executive policy making process. Between 1961 and 1989, both the presidency and the intelligence community faced significant challenges from within both their political and policy environments. This work analyzes how these challenges combined with the Cold War international environment to motivate some of the most controversial and dangerous employments of covert action in the history of America’s secret foreign policy.2003 0-7734-6937-0
This study offers a series of vignettes of covert operations undertaken by presidents from Harding to Eisenhower. It explores how the interaction of presidential personalities, their political environments and the evolving American intelligence community combined to shape America’s covert foreign policy agenda. It examines the struggle of American political leaders to reconcile the democratic imperative of government by the people with the political need to pursue certain foreign policy objectives by covert means during the critical period from the end of WWI to the Bay of Pigs.2000 0-7734-7754-3
This volume employs a series of historical case studies of early American covert actions to support an analysis of the evolution of this instrument of presidential foreign policy over the first 120 years of American under the Constitution. It offers a series of Vignettes of selected covert actions undertaken by presidents from Jefferson to Wilson. It explores how presidential personalities and the changing political environment shaped the evolution of covert action as a tool, and provides insight into how American leaders came to reconcile the inconsistencies between government by the people and secret undertakings by the executive branch.
“Dr. Carter has provided an important contribution to the historical study of intelligence. Works like his on intelligence are important references because they draw light on operations and events that were, by necessity, originally shrouded in secrecy. I highly recommend this book for the student of American history as well as those involved in the study of intelligence-related statecraft. . . . The bibliography and references are excellent and are valuable information sources I themselves.” – Wayne Madsen, author of Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa2008 0-7734-4961-2
Examines how the war in South Vietnam was reflective of a larger battle within the United States between the executive and the legislative branches of government over war-making powers.2008 0-7734-4997-3
An examination of United States National Security Policy, since the events of September 11, 2001, from the perspective of American constitutional law.2014 0-7734-4502-1
The cold-blooded execution of President John F. Kennedy remains the most intriguing mystery of the 20th century. This fascinating book methodically examines the various organizations and numerous individuals who had the motive, the opportunity and the means of carrying out such an incredible crime exonerating, in theory, the alleged lone assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald.2012 0-7734-3053-9
In this provocative book Hallett argues that dropping the atomic bomb on Japan had no impact on their surrender to America. What was more important was the threat of a Soviet and American invasion, and the Japanese government preferred to deal with America rather than have the Soviets turn the country communist.
The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were certainly evil, but how evil? Evil in which way? Conventionally, their evil has been explained away by repeating that the atomic bombings ‘ended the war to save lives.’ If true, the evil was not truly evil.
In this book, Professor Hallett challenges this all too comforting explanation. If lives were saved, then how many were saved, he asks? Did bombs cause the surrender of Japan; or was the Soviet involvement in the Pacific another influence among many that coincided with the end of the war?
Reviewing the dramatic events of August, 1945, Hallett concludes that few, if any lives were saved and that the dropping of the atomic bombs was merely coincidental with the ending of the war. Instead, Soviet entry into the Pacific War was the immediate causal factor in the timing of the Japanese surrender. This study concludes that there was a banal evil induced by an ordinary lack of imagination on the part of President Truman and the American officials.1981 0-88946-982-2
Distinguishes between moderate "press on" and conservative "hold fast" evangelicals, characterizing Jimmy Carter as the former and Ronald Reagan as the latter, and attributes Reagan's and the "hold fast" evangelicals' political successes to their mastery of computer and television technology.1997 0-7734-8476-02001 0-7734-7651-2
This book presents for the first time over 100 selected letters with reference to music, written to Harry S. Truman’s wife Bess, later to his daughter Margaret, and finally to a host of 20th century musicians, historical figures, and other important people, including Bob Hope, Eugene List, Joseph Kennedy, Jose Iturbi, Guy Lombardo, et al.. Truman revealed in these letters a passion for music, mature taste and insight, and goodwill. As a single body, they trace the life of Harry Truman from the perspective of music. More intriguing is the tone of several letters from the late 1940s that clearly signals Truman’s volatile letter to music critic Paul Hume. The record shows that Truman corresponded with Hume on several occasions after 1950. Finally, Truman’s Musical Letters presents a full account of the Hume letter, from the time it was sent with a three-cent stamp on it to its current place in American history. The volume includes a selection of the public’s letters to Truman in reaction.2014 0-7734-4276-6
This book identifies the core factors that spell success, mediocrity, or outright failure in the White House. It discusses how some chief executives have managed to avoid pitfalls better than others. It shows us how core presidential errors interact and compound, with significant implications for the performance of the political system as a whole.2007 0-7734-5647-3
This book demonstrates how Nathaniel Hawthorne’s lifelong friendship with Franklin Pierce influenced the author’s literary imagination, often prompting him to transform Pierce from his historical personage into a romanticized figure of distinctly Jacksonian qualities. The book also examines how Hawthorne’s friendship with Pierce profoundly influenced a wide range of his work, from his first novel, Fanshawe
(1828), to the Life of Franklin Pierce
(1852) and such later works as the unfinished Septimius romances and the dedicatory materials in Our Old Home
(1863). Finally, the book shows how Pierce became for Hawthorne a literary device – an icon of Jacksonian virtue, a token of the Democratic party, and an emblem of steadfastness, military heroism, and integrity, all three of which were often at odds with Pierce’s historical character.2003 0-7734-6629-0
This is the first historical analysis that reveals the depth and scope of the contribution that the Kennedy family, professional staff, and outside collaborators made in creating the John F. Kennedy presidential campaign image. Documenting the origins of this ground-breaking strategy as the combined result of both 1920s Hollywood film production and propaganda films in Europe during the 1930s, it sheds new light on the effectiveness of the Kennedy influence during the 1960s and up to the present. The Kennedy boundary-spanning approach to the development and dispersal of public/private information has since become an integral component of media-based politics. The business of enhancing the aesthetics of the run for the presidency through pictorial and cinematic representation has become an essential contributing factor in many of the more controversial aspects of Hollywood filmmaking, as well as a governmental propaganda resource. The work particularly examines the campaign film The New Frontier. With illustrations.2008 0-7734-4942-6
The first comprehensive examination of President Kennedy’s policy toward the entire Middle East. This book contains five black and white photographs.2002 0-7734-7164-22008 0-7734-4963-9
This work analyzes the interplay between the American political system and criminal justice policy, providing a comprehensive examination of the vital role politics plays in defining key elements of the criminal justice system.2001 0-7734-7564-8
This study adds to the foreign policy decision making literature by furthering an understanding of the convergence between foreign policy and domestic politics. It is also relevant to conflict theory, in particular the diversionary use of force. It uses a simultaneous design to tap the interdependence between politics, the economy, and force. Statistical analyses reveal that the unemployment and Soviet crisis activity had positive impacts on levels of US force. Ongoing war had a negative impact. Uses of force also lead to a significant rally effect in presidential approval. It offers explanations of the use of force decision process based upon the noncompensatory theory. Two case studies are presented: Dien Bien Phu, 1954, and Grenada, 1983. Finally, the study discusses the benefits of substituting domestic economic management and collective security for military force.1997 0-7734-8606-2
This study is a chronological history of the moral and economic factors which have influenced United States-South African relations since 1948, accessible to students, academics and the general readers. The chapters are primarily divided according to US presidential terms to show how each administration has dealt with the problems of supporting business interests while denouncing South Africa's racial policies. Included are the basic debates over divestment, international criticism, and the development of apartheid. It can also be used for US history, political science, and African history classes.2012 0-7734-1601-3
This book examines significant aspects of President Barack Obama's Dreams from My Father
both in relation to the African American literary tradition and to the context of the relevant historical and cultural productions that inform it.
The authors view the book a work of literature and compare it to other works by black authors such as Toni Morrison, Frederick Douglass, and Ralph Ellison among others. Some authors contest the idea that the book was written during a pre-political stage in President Obama's life because it was released to coincide with his first political campaign in Chicago, Illinois in the mid-1990's. For autobiographical reasons the book is important because it shows various aspects of President Obama's upbringing, and put in his own words his experience of being black in America. There is also a discussion of why he chose the less Americanized Barack when he went into college, rather than the homogeneous, whitened name Barry, which was the name he preferred in grammar school (out of being teased by other children) - and how he chose this name precisely because it constructed his identity as anti-thetical to the dominant paradigms of whiteness that he had been confined to while growing up in Hawaii. One article even describes President Obama's father being ostracized from Kenyan politics after a coup d'etat forced a leader out of power who he had publically supported, which lead the family to America. It also tells the story of a turgid paternal influence on the young Barack Obama, where caught in a vicious cycle of perpetually working for his father's approval, he spiraled into low self-esteem, which may have fueled his political ambitions later in life (as overcompensation for a lack of fatherly approval).2008 0-7734-5124-2
Through the lens of rhetorical criticism, this study offers a unique understanding of the arguments that Lyndon Johnson used to launch the educational package that came to fruition in his Great Society. This work will appeal to scholars in politics, English, and various fields of public speaking.1990 0-88946-321-2
Calvin Coolidge participated in 15 inaugurals, ran for over 30 elective offices. His speaking contributed to his success and mirrored the conservative mind of his age. Although more flexible than strong, Coolidge was able to impress many as a man of action and conviction. Although he seldom used humor, he knew how to prepare a speech with clearly defined divisions, balanced sentences, and flowing phrases. He usually talked in soothing generalities on the virtues of the Republican Party, the principles of constitutional government, and love of God and country. He organized his material chronologically and often supported his propositions with historical examples. His was primarily a ceremonial rhetoric, never a rhetoric of reform.2010 0-7734-3702-9
This study investigates how. for the first time the new medium of radio impacted upon a presidential campaign. Prior to 1924 candidates were known to the public by their photographs and by the printed versions of their major speeches published in the press. Beginning in 1924, however, party standard-bearers were
recognized by their voices.2003 0-7734-6703-3
This work challenges the assertion that the nuclear freeze and Western European movements forced Ronald Reagan to embrace arms control and improve Soviet-American relations during his presidency. While these movements put tremendous pressure on Reagan, they never fundamentally altered his conception of how to reduce nuclear weapons significantly. Besides outlining Reagan’s complex interaction with these movements, this work will show that Reagan’s conduct and personal views played a crucial role in bringing about the Soviet-American Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in 1987.1988 0-88946-098-1
Covers Reagan's early years in radio, films, and television and his formative role as President of the Screen Actors Guild. Also features complete cast lists for the films of Ronald and Nancy Reagan and lists of books and articles on Reagan and his family.2008 0-7734-5107-2
This collection of documents, both personal and political, is an invaluable tool for better understanding and appreciating a president often condemned by historians as a poor leader and administrator.2003 0-7734-6676-21998 0-7734-8501-5
Based on presidential papers and manuscripts in Tennessee, this work details the history of the Republican and Progressive parties during the Progressive era when the Republican party played a more significant role in the state than in any of the former Confederate states. Traces the party relationship with Theodore Roosevelt and its breakup under Taft.2004 0-7734-6232-5
This critical analysis of director Oliver Stone's Nixon argues that the screenplay and film are early attempts in American cinema to put the life of Richard Nixon in proper historical perspective. Although known for his provocative and controversial approach in his films toward people and events of the 1960s and '70s in America, Stone has delivered an evenhanded account of the impact of Nixon on American history. This book is appropriate for anyone interested in the Cold War, American film, or popular art and politics and adds to the study of the media's depiction of history and historical figures.2011 0-7734-1526-2
This book analyzes the history and purposes of third-party presidential candidacies in America. It uses the theories of political culture and functionalism to describe the institutional barriers these candidates face. Emphasis is placed on the variables of historical dualism, institutional barriers, and the political culture that impacts third party presidential politics, from both a normative and empirical approach.2012 0-7734-3066-0
The book argues that the imperial presidency began, not with Franklin Delano Roosevelt, but rather with Grover Cleveland. The role of the president was enlarged, and the role of congress diminished during his time in office.
Once the concept of the modern presidency is clearly defined according to its attributes, it becomes clear that it has evolutionary roots that extend to the late 19th century. An examination of Grover Cleveland’s presidencies shows that he laid the foundation for what has become the modern presidency by actions that took place during his two separated terms. He implemented civil service reform and scaled back the number of patronage appointments significantly, took steps towards building a professional bureaucracy. He also regained the independence of the presidency by pressuring Congress to repeal the Tenure of Office Act, and pioneered the form of political leadership that presidents exhibit today.1992 0-7734-9492-8
This study is the most thorough one available of the Wilson Administration's inept initial attempts to deal with the shipbuilding crisis of 1917. Based upon extensive research in government archives and private manuscript collections, it begins with an outline of the history of American shipbuilding prior to 1914 and examines the impact of the Great War. It details the growth of the shipyards, the political process involved in the creation of the Shipping Board and the Wilson Administration's choice of the original members. The bulk of the book then examines how the new agency dealt with the U-boat crisis that led America into the war, and, in particular, Frederic Eustis's incredible plan to mass-produce small wooden steamships. The U.S., he believed, could turn them out faster than German submarines could sink them. The manuscript demonstrates this scheme's impracticality. The Board's first chairman, William Denman, though, was impressed by the proposal and adopted it as the Shipping Board's answer to the U-boat.
"This is a well written, thoroughly researched case study of America's industrial mobilization during World War I. . . . His account of various proposals for creating a national merchant fleet is both useful in itself and relevant in the context of post-Desert Storm changes in U.S. deployment strategy. . . . His description of the techniques for mass producing steel vessels throws new light on the construction of the "four-piper" destroyers during World War I and the liberty ships of World War II. And his presentation of the personal conflicts that shaped the wooden ship program establishes the importance of human factors in a pre-bureaucratic age." - Dennis Showalter