Subject Area: Marx, Karl
The purpose of this work is to construct theoretically a regulatory system based on the writings of a selection of Marxist legal theorists (Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stuchka, Reisner and Pashukanis), ascertain whether such a system might be considered law, and determine whether or not there is a legitimate claim for a ‘socialist jurisprudence.’ Both theoretical constructs and historical examples are used during the course of discussion. The results indicate that there is a viable alternative to law which does not ignore the regulatory needs of society and is compatible with the Marxist critique of the legal order. It is fills the gap existing in the literature of ‘socialist law’ and articulates a system of social regulation that can be considered non-legal (thus making it compatible with Marxist theory). To this date, such an attempt to define theoretically a regulatory system in communism compatible with the writings of Marx and Engels has not been made.1994 0-7734-9074-41994 0-7734-1934-9
This volume of five articles continues the endless debate on the virtues and faults of Marx. It presents an appropriate background of Marx's socialist activity and thought, but also focuses on the degree to which Marx was a democrat, civil libertarian, egalitarian and enemy of bureaucracy on the one hand, and authoritarian/totalitarian on the other. Includes articles by Loyd D. Easton, Morris Slavin, James Lawler, Paul Kurtz, and Louis Patsouras.2004 0-7734-6426-3
The debate over the continuity between Marx's early and later writings is now more than fifty years old and final resolution of the debate seems as remote as ever. Since the early 1970's the "continuity view" proposed by Shlomo Avineri and Istvan Meszaros has been generally regarded as the most plausible account of the linkage between these writings, while the most prominent alternative to this view has been the widely-criticized "epistemological break" thesis proposed by French philosopher Louis Althusser in the 1960’s.
A review of the literature since the late 1970's indicates that the main arguments upon which the continuity view was based have been increasingly undermined as new knowledge of the circumstances of Marx's work in the 1840's has been developed. Marx's relationship to two "Young Hegelian" philosophers, Ludwig Feuerbach and Max Stirner, has emerged as an especially important aspect of the issue.
This study, drawing on the recent literature as well as additional original research in areas suggested by Althusser's discussion in his book For Marx, outlines a modified epistemological break thesis. In addition to showing that Marx was a "Feuerbachian" in 1843/44 and documenting his break with Feuerbach in 1845, the study will also explain why Marx broke with Feuerbach when he did and in the way he did, an explanation that is lacking in Althusser's discussion of Marx’s epistemological break. The explanation developed here is based on a study of the impact on Marx and Engels and the other Young Hegelians of Stirner's book The Ego and His Own, published in Germany in late 1844. The study concludes with a discussion of Marx's general intellectual development from 1843 through 1845.2015 1-4955-0268-6
Karl Marx did not view Lincoln as fighting to quell a rebellion, but to start a revolution to end worker exploitation by abolishing a stratification system that was not in the workers’ interest. Even Lincoln’s conscription policy during the Civil War was said to support the workers.
The author cites, in full or part, Marx’s various writings (articles and letters, including one Marx wrote to Lincoln and a reply by Ambassador Charles Adams on Lincoln’s behalf) in which Marx analyzes Lincoln’s actions (e.g., his dismissal of McClellan, The Emancipation Proclamation, conscription), as well as Union (northern) elections and discusses military campaigns.1991 0-7734-9866-4
This book is the first scholarly work to bring together for analysis and discussion a large number of the collected statements on free time and leisure in Marx's writings. Marx's theory of liberation discusses the `homo ludens'. This text shows that Marx had a distinctive and specific theory of leisure and that it is possible to formulate from his writings an outline for an early Marxist theory of free time and leisure.1992 0-7734-9180-5
Examines the phenomenon of Marxism-Leninism from a perspective of the history of religions, in order to cull the lessons that students of both religion and society might draw from the collapse of that once seemingly impregnable ideology. After considering the reasons advanced by a variety of scholars for calling Marxism-Leninism a religion, as well as at Marxism-Leninism's own claim to be a science, the author suggests that a more fruitful way of looking at is would be as a form of civil religion. It examines the way Marxism-Leninism sought to supplant the historic religions and develop its own ritual system, as well as those features which are not only mythological, but also ideological in precisely the same sense in which Marx himself saw religions as ideological phenomena.1993 0-7734-9373-5
This book highlights the profound effects that Credit has always had on economic developments in capitalism. The role and significance of Credit is distinctly missing in all major tradition schools of thought in economics (classical, neo-classical, Keynesian, and monetarist). The incorporation of Credit into economic theory promptly reveals the underlying forces behind important phenomena such as inflation and recession. This study is a radical attempt to expose the flaws of monetarist doctrines by following the evolution of economic history in parallel with the development of economic theory.1989 0-88946-174-0
While there are not many people who still believe that "scientific socialism" can "scientifically" bring about more just and humane societies, Bardis speaks of an all-pervasive spirit of criticism which continually undercuts any attempt to build such societies. He also causes us to consider the way such criticism has become the fashion in politics and can be used to establish new and sometimes more oppressive political regimes than the traditional systems.